"The power of accurate observation is commonly called cynicism by those who have not got it." George Bernard Shaw

Showing posts with label Capitalism. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Capitalism. Show all posts

December 10, 2010

DIVISION OF IMPERIALISM

2010

It is believed that the word “imperialism” is derived from “imperium” which is a Roman concept of “power and control” in brief. It became a widespread word starting in the late 19th century with European Monarchs and their colonial actions until their collapses at the end of the World War I. What defines a state as imperial is her ability and capability to dominate other territories and lands. The term is used not only for the colonial or territorial policies but also military and economic influence and not necessarily a legal one. In this paper, you will find two similar but also different explanations of imperialism by two prominent thinkers of early 19th century: J. A. Hobson and V. I. Lenin. It is usually said that Lenin was influenced by Hobson but the motives they underline for imperialism are significantly different.

In his article, “The Economic Taproot of Imperialism”, J. A. Hobson discusses the driving force of imperialism which is, in brief, the seek for new markets as a result of unequal distribution of wealth and underconsumption. To explain the link between capitalism and imperialism, he shows the historical process of United Kingdom and other colonialists in 19th century. Until 1870, UK had great impact over a large part of the world, which are generally the Commonwealth countries, and she found it unnecessary to be “more imperial” before the entrance of United States, Belgium and Germany to the competition of external trade. These three countries made economic relations even with Commonwealth countries and as a result of decreasing number of trade numbers, there appeared a need for new markets for UK.

But the question is why these economically (and also militarily) powerful nations needed to trade abroad and sell their goods to foreign people instead of the using them in the domestic market? The answer lies in the accumulation of wealth among a few people and poverty among the rest as a result of the fundamentals of capitalism. As the surplus value made bourgeoisie wealthier, the concept of underconsumption occurred due to the fact that goods were not as purchasable as before for the masses. He writes: “The power of production far outstripped the actual rate of consumption, and, contrary to the older economic theory, was unable to force a corresponding increase of consumption by lowering prices”. So the motivation to sell their goods abroad makes capitalist countries act imperially to further their cycle of production.

Comparatively low wages of workers, accumulation of surplus capital and underconsumption as a result seem to be reasons for imperial powers but was not there any options other than influencing other territories with diplomacy or annexation? According to Hobson, in the imperialist view, the necessity of capturing foreign markets is a fatal one as if they do not, some other will do to export its goods. “Imperialism is thus seen to be, not a choice, but a necessity” he claims. It is a very simple definition: If your domestic market is not wealthy enough to purchase your goods, you are obliged to sell them abroad by annexing territories that are undeveloped and in need of your goods.

V. I. Lenin, who is said to be influenced by Hobson, explains the motives of imperialism with moving finance capital to other countries that are not among the richest. According to him, imperialism is the highest stage of capitalism and world’s leading countries are dominating others with the help of trusts and loans. Thanks to the support of the governments, capitalists invest abroad to escape the declining rates of profit in national territories. To conceptualize his arguments, he divides the history of capitalism into two: First one is exporting goods which characterizes the old type of capitalism and the second one is exporting capital which signifies the modern capitalism or imperialism in other words.

He argues that the roots for the movement of finance capital lies in the monopolies of the capitalist system. Free competition is the first rule of capitalism where individuals can compete with one another. But the result of free competition is an environment that makes rich people richer and poor people poorer due to mostly the surplus value of workers. Therefore, according to Lenin, free competition transforms into a monopoly of few which are looking for new markets instead of a drained domestic market. But instead of direct military or political control to sell goods or to create new markets, Lenin claims that new capitalism brings the movement of finance capital. Thus one monopoly gives loans to a poor country and make it granted that loaned money will be used for railways, coaling stations etc to be constructed by the monopoly. Lenin underlines that this is imperialism, the last and highest stage of capitalism where banking system and industrial capital merge together for more and more domination.

Both thinkers argue that the accumulation of wealth and power is the reason for imperialism but they differ in the way it is done. Hobson claims that great powers dominate the others to export their goods in new and untouched markets. The motive of selling goods, which are not purchased due to the low level of wealth, shapes a suitable ground for imperialism. On the other hand, Lenin’s arguments on imperialism is based on the flow of the finance capital. According to him, when the monopolies cannot find any space to invest in domestic realm, they look for other territories to loan money in exchange for granting the money to be spent in their favor such as a construction work of a railway. In addition to Hobson’s colonial assumption, Lenin underlines that these monopolies of great powers compete and divide the world into territories in the sake of their own imperial aims. “Monopoly has grown out of colonial policy. To the numerous “old” motives of colonial policy, finance capital has added the struggle for the sources of raw materials, for the export of capital, for spheres of influence” he summarizes.

There are two critical points, one for each, that I can present. First one is for Hobson, who thinks that the growing surplus value and accumulation of wealth is the reason for colonial intentions. Unlike countries like United Kingdom, United States or Germany, countries that are not industrially developed such as Italy can also have colonial purposes. It is clear that Italy did not have the same amount of surplus value like US or UK had and still they did colonization with other motives. My second point will not be like a critic but more an observation of process which Lenin discussed. As Lenin explains the mentioned process is a race between monopolies to financially dominate poor countries but in the recent decades his ideas are replaced by the relation between developed and underdeveloped countries or core and periphery which is a argument that conflict between developed countries are disappearing.

To sum up, both Hobson and Lenin draw a conception of imperialism with similar bases but different tools. They both claim that accumulation of power and wealth is the base. However, Hobson insists that imperialism is the way for great powers to sell their products which are not purchased in national territories. On the other hand, Lenin also sees imperialism as the next chapter of capitalism but in a different perspective. According to him, imperialism comes into life with the flow of finance capital into other countries that are not in monopoly class. Lenin emphasizes that merge of banking and industrial sectors helps monopolistic powers to invest in places other than impoverished national ones.

November 25, 2010

HISTORICAL MATERIALISM AND CLASS DIVISION

2010

Although he lived throughout the 18th century (1818 - 1883), Karl Marx is such a central figure of philosophical discussions even today due to his works’ specifications in different areas such as economy, politics and sociology and also his ability to embrace even today’s economical and social conditions. It would be unfair to Marx just to focus on his practical roadmaps and revolution convictions for proletariat class and also some may argue that rise and shine of capitalism in 20th and 21st centuries is crucial to make it possible for us to still discuss him today as deep as it can be. Obviously Marx’ writings are more than the practical roadmaps or analyses of capitalist regimes. He shows us the nature of class division throughout the history of mankind and explains the reasons of its economical, political and social consequences.

To explain the stratification of structures in society, Marx focuses on the mode of production understanding in the capitalist political economy. He gets help from the historical process to show the materialistic relations between the agents of the society and justifies the inevitability of different forms of class struggle throughout the history. According to him the reason for this structural division is the property owning where the productive power of human which separates him from an animal becomes a burden for mankind through alienation to his own labor. In this paper I will try to emphasize his understandings of mode of production and material relations through highlighting historical materialism, the causality of the structural relations, importance of production as a tool for human to identify himself and his nature’s decay of means as a livelihood. Moreover, definitions and revelations of concepts like division of labor, extraction of surplus value and alienation should be fully understood to master his works on mode of production and material relations.

The term “relations of production” refers to the relationship between two classes: those who possess the means of production that are capitalists or bourgeoisie and those who do not that are workers or the proletariat. Capitalism, which constantly urges these two classes to realize the existing conditions, is constructed on the scale of ownership of the means of production. In brief, owner of the capital (like factories and machines) tries to keep his conditions as well as possible to stand straight in the competitive market and extract as much labor as possible from the workers to do so. In return workers continue to produce labor in conditions offered by the capital owners which are serving the employers’ interests in the market. Yet, workers feel obliged to be integrated to this cycle to maintain their status-quo and be able to stay alive. As a result of the never-ending competition in the market, this structural division continues and the gap between these two classes gets bigger and bigger which eventually, in Marx’ assumptions, will bring the revolution of proletariat.

To understand the material relations between these two classes, we should first be familiar with Marx’ historical materialism conception and his links with German philosopher Hegel. Like Hegel, Marx also supports the reality of clashes between opposing forces through a dialectic relation. However Marx differs from Hegel in the shape of dialectic relations. Hegel believes in the idealism of a true reality that the world we live in is a world of appearances where the material world of the ideals prevents us from the “real” world. He points out the spirit of time; “zeitgeist” as he defines that shapes the structures, economical and material relations. On the contrary, Marx turns Hegel upside down and underlines that it is the economical and material relations that shape the history. According to Marx specific ideologies and conditions prevents people from seeing the material beings of their lives clearly.

This causal relationship can also be figured out with the help of base and superstructure concept of Marx. According to him, social positioning of agents and structures is a result of the characteristics of the “base”. Here, base is the determinant concept that is related to material relations and ownership habits of society. Thus, the superstructure is the total of political, ideological and legal forms that are created autonomously by the base to complete the cycle of relations. That can again bring us to his understanding of causality which separates him from Hegel that it is not the superstructure that creates the base and it is not the spirit of time or existing structures that shape the material relations. Therefore, it is the presence of property ownership, profit-maximizing and their consequence of material conditions that create structures of political and legal forms. In addition this formulation of elements comes from an habitual characteristic of history which repeats itself again and again in different forms but in similar ends.

Marx’ concept of materialism is much related to the history of human being as one can see that the relations, especially the economic relations, among the human beings have always been a determinant force in the development of history. In the early forms of co-operation between men the creation of basic materials to satisfy the needs and the co-operation between the individuals are minimal, but important points to explain are the birth of material relations and division of labor. What one should realize is that division of labor starts from the early forms of family life as husband dominates wife where woman is supposed to feed children and man is supposed to bring food to the table. Along with this, the condition to satisfy material needs creates a consciousness of material connectedness. So the material activity and becomes the dominant determinant in individual’s life where the society and its structures are also affected fundamentally.

Evidently this history of materialism is not bounded with the contemporary ideology of capitalism. Throughout the history, society is shaped by the forces and relations of individuals in the aspects of owning materials and means of production. Again Marx’ assumption of “base”, the economic structures and relations, is the core of the foundations of every society existed in the history. Naturally every type of society has its own particular set of rules, material relations and structures and as a result own set of classes. He underlines “… a certain mode of production, or industrial stage, is always combined with a certain mode of co-operation, or social stage, and this mode of co-operation is itself a ‘productive force”. Long before capitalism, tribal society offered its members a natural division of labor where primitive economic actions were hunting and gathering. Then the communal ownership came in which master and slave relationship occurred in the basis of owning property and not owning it. Next one, the prominent type of system before capitalism, was feudalism in which the material difference between the agents was whether they owned a land or dug a land. Apart from powerful man of faith whose strength came from the religion, two main actors were landowners and their peasants that were determined by their possession of goods. In each form, social structures and division of society were formed by the material relations.

Marx continues to explain the ongoing historical process of materialistic relations and its consequence of segregated society with the example of capitalism. In his projection, capitalism is the last class-based system before the classless systems of socialism and communism. To further his explanations on capitalism and reasons of class division, we should look at the mode of production which brings us to division of labor, extraction of surplus value and alienation of labor. The most significant correlation he draws here is the inversely correlated relation between the worker’s misery and his size of production. According to Marx, human-being is capable of making or shaping his own nature to some extent which separates him from animal-being. That capability is the power to produce things for himself or for others in need and as a result to realize himself. In German Ideology, he says 'Men can be distinguished from animals by consciousness, by religion or anything else you like. They themselves begin to distinguish themselves from animals as soon as they begin to produce their means of subsistence, a step which is conditioned by their physical organization.' However, capitalist system of economy diverts mankind’s ability to produce and its entity through a process of its own. Marx calls the result of this process as alienation and argues that the labor which human-being identifies himself with becomes a miserable commodity of others than himself.

Here we can further the correlation mentioned above and say that the devaluation of human value increases in direct relation with the increase in the value of the world of things/materials. In this system, workers are forced to make more labor as their employers push them to race in the competitive market. As much as workers produce, the world of materials becomes more dominant and as long as they work and spend their time producing they have less time to consume things they had produced. The result is they become unfamiliar and distant to what they produce. The labor of men develops into an object, an external thing which outside of them and alien to them. As a consequence of the capitalist system, the labor of product man produces belongs to other people, not to himself. Eventually the term “private property” turns into a thing that is different from the ancient times in which you own where you dig. According to Marx, property becomes a burden for workers that they produce but do not possess and this process would lead to revolution of proletariat. But before that, we should also know the other class that is supposed experience revolution: Bourgeoisie.

Again, it should be remembered that the division between bourgeoisie and proletariat is a result of the rule of mode of production. If you own the capitals like factories, machines and other stuff to keep workers produce, you become the class which dominates the proletariat. If you produce goods and in turn face a bunch of conditions that develop your labor, which identifies you, into an alienated thing outside of yourself, then you are a part of the proletariat class. But how does this distinction happen and grow between these two classes? The commodity, which is the result of labor, takes place in the market and meets the demands of consumers. People sell a commodity or labor and buy another commodity to satisfy their needs. On the other hand, capitalist class has a different agenda which is not only to satisfy needs with purchasing commodities but to accumulate money to acquire more of it. For this purpose, they use their power to set wages and working hours to extract the greatest amount of labor from workers at the lowest possible cost and to sell the products of workers at a higher price than they are paid for to produce. Rather than buying or selling the product in its real value, they extract a surplus value from laborers. This is because neither of the workers produces a whole part of product on himself but produce some of it and never have a right to buy it for the same price they create.

The roadmap for proletariat that Marx presents, which is also inevitable according to him, is simple: Revolution. However he explains the reasons for the revolution and the circumstances that proletariat will experience until the end, not the instructions for “how to accomplish a revolution”. As he argues that division of society into classes is a result of material relations in historical process, the change in economic structures, again, will lead a revolution, this time by the proletariat. In long term, richness of bourgeoisie and poverty of proletariat will reach maximum levels and because of extreme level of production, investment and trade, capitalism will go into a big crisis. The critical point here is for proletariat to gain a class consciousness that they were oppressed by the bourgeoisie and their realization was diminished in the hands of this dominant class. Other step will be to unify and make a violent proletariat revolution. Eventually, private property will be abolished and economic structures like means and modes of production will be reshaped which will lead to a new social structure and system called socialism. Along with the reshaped economic and social structures, there will also be a change in the political structures and socialism will evolve to communism. When we look at the big picture, we can see that the transformation in the society will be a result of change in the economic structures.

There are many counter-arguments against Marx, and some of them concentrate on his predictions on the revolution from capitalism to communism. It is logical enough to question his argument on the transformation as there has been more than a century and capitalism still stands as strong as before. His urge on the awareness of proletariat class consciousness seem like a far possibility since the division between bourgeoisie and proletariat does not seem as extreme as he foresees. Or let’s say that the propaganda made by capitalist class, with the help of the legal grounds they support as a result of the base-superstructure relation, prevent proletariat to feel that much oppressed. But the reality is that there is also a class of petit-bourgeoisie who is close to the dominant capitalist class but distant from the proletariat. Also no need to mention about the middle class people, which constitutes a large group of people today, that are to be again stuck between the two. It can be propaganda of capitalist class to give hope to every man that one day they also can be a bourgeoisie class member but the reality stands out there that there are some other classes between bourgeoisie and proletariat.

To sum up, it is crucial to understand historical relations between the agents of the society. According to Marx, those relations were always built upon the material correlations and clashes between opposing forces. As I mentioned above, Hegel’s concept of dialectic idealism is turned upside down by Marx as dialectic materialism that conditions we experience and structures we live in are products of material and economic relations. All this has happened before but in different shapes and understandings like tribal, communal and feudal systems. For Marx, labor is a value for man-beings with which they can define and realize themselves. However, with the help of capitalism and its propagandist habits, capital owners oppress workers and extract the surplus value of their work which results as an alienation of workers to their labor. This loss of consciousness by workers forces the proletariat to stay poor and the bourgeoisie to become rich. Yet, some day this ongoing division of wealth will become a burden for the capitalists and system will collapse in the end with the violent revolution of enlightened proletariat class. Eventually, base and superstructure relation will change also as the base, which is determined by the economic relations, will affect the superstructure, which is the political and ideological form in the society, in a way different than the previous systems. All this, according to Marx, can be real with a better understanding of historical materialism concept and the mode of production habits in the society.


Bibliography

Karl Marx and Fredrick Engels. The Communist Manifesto. Middlesex, The Echo Library, 2009.

Henry Ward. Introduction to Dialectical Logic. Bucharest, Editura Academiei, 1975.

Karl Marx and Frederick Engels. The German Ideology. New York, International Publishers, 2004

Louis Althusser. For Marx. London, Verso, 2005

Karl Marx. A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy. Moscow, Progress Publishers, 1977

Harold Joseph Berman. Law and Revolution: The Formation of the Western Legal Tradition. Cambridge, Harvard University Press, 1983

David W. Lovell. From Marx to Lenin. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2009

Ken Morrison. Marx, Durkheim, Weber. London, Sage Publications, 2006

Michael Löwy. The Theory of Revolution in the Young Marx. Chicago, Haymarket Books, 2005
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