"The power of accurate observation is commonly called cynicism by those who have not got it." George Bernard Shaw

December 10, 2010

DIVISION OF IMPERIALISM

2010

It is believed that the word “imperialism” is derived from “imperium” which is a Roman concept of “power and control” in brief. It became a widespread word starting in the late 19th century with European Monarchs and their colonial actions until their collapses at the end of the World War I. What defines a state as imperial is her ability and capability to dominate other territories and lands. The term is used not only for the colonial or territorial policies but also military and economic influence and not necessarily a legal one. In this paper, you will find two similar but also different explanations of imperialism by two prominent thinkers of early 19th century: J. A. Hobson and V. I. Lenin. It is usually said that Lenin was influenced by Hobson but the motives they underline for imperialism are significantly different.

In his article, “The Economic Taproot of Imperialism”, J. A. Hobson discusses the driving force of imperialism which is, in brief, the seek for new markets as a result of unequal distribution of wealth and underconsumption. To explain the link between capitalism and imperialism, he shows the historical process of United Kingdom and other colonialists in 19th century. Until 1870, UK had great impact over a large part of the world, which are generally the Commonwealth countries, and she found it unnecessary to be “more imperial” before the entrance of United States, Belgium and Germany to the competition of external trade. These three countries made economic relations even with Commonwealth countries and as a result of decreasing number of trade numbers, there appeared a need for new markets for UK.

But the question is why these economically (and also militarily) powerful nations needed to trade abroad and sell their goods to foreign people instead of the using them in the domestic market? The answer lies in the accumulation of wealth among a few people and poverty among the rest as a result of the fundamentals of capitalism. As the surplus value made bourgeoisie wealthier, the concept of underconsumption occurred due to the fact that goods were not as purchasable as before for the masses. He writes: “The power of production far outstripped the actual rate of consumption, and, contrary to the older economic theory, was unable to force a corresponding increase of consumption by lowering prices”. So the motivation to sell their goods abroad makes capitalist countries act imperially to further their cycle of production.

Comparatively low wages of workers, accumulation of surplus capital and underconsumption as a result seem to be reasons for imperial powers but was not there any options other than influencing other territories with diplomacy or annexation? According to Hobson, in the imperialist view, the necessity of capturing foreign markets is a fatal one as if they do not, some other will do to export its goods. “Imperialism is thus seen to be, not a choice, but a necessity” he claims. It is a very simple definition: If your domestic market is not wealthy enough to purchase your goods, you are obliged to sell them abroad by annexing territories that are undeveloped and in need of your goods.

V. I. Lenin, who is said to be influenced by Hobson, explains the motives of imperialism with moving finance capital to other countries that are not among the richest. According to him, imperialism is the highest stage of capitalism and world’s leading countries are dominating others with the help of trusts and loans. Thanks to the support of the governments, capitalists invest abroad to escape the declining rates of profit in national territories. To conceptualize his arguments, he divides the history of capitalism into two: First one is exporting goods which characterizes the old type of capitalism and the second one is exporting capital which signifies the modern capitalism or imperialism in other words.

He argues that the roots for the movement of finance capital lies in the monopolies of the capitalist system. Free competition is the first rule of capitalism where individuals can compete with one another. But the result of free competition is an environment that makes rich people richer and poor people poorer due to mostly the surplus value of workers. Therefore, according to Lenin, free competition transforms into a monopoly of few which are looking for new markets instead of a drained domestic market. But instead of direct military or political control to sell goods or to create new markets, Lenin claims that new capitalism brings the movement of finance capital. Thus one monopoly gives loans to a poor country and make it granted that loaned money will be used for railways, coaling stations etc to be constructed by the monopoly. Lenin underlines that this is imperialism, the last and highest stage of capitalism where banking system and industrial capital merge together for more and more domination.

Both thinkers argue that the accumulation of wealth and power is the reason for imperialism but they differ in the way it is done. Hobson claims that great powers dominate the others to export their goods in new and untouched markets. The motive of selling goods, which are not purchased due to the low level of wealth, shapes a suitable ground for imperialism. On the other hand, Lenin’s arguments on imperialism is based on the flow of the finance capital. According to him, when the monopolies cannot find any space to invest in domestic realm, they look for other territories to loan money in exchange for granting the money to be spent in their favor such as a construction work of a railway. In addition to Hobson’s colonial assumption, Lenin underlines that these monopolies of great powers compete and divide the world into territories in the sake of their own imperial aims. “Monopoly has grown out of colonial policy. To the numerous “old” motives of colonial policy, finance capital has added the struggle for the sources of raw materials, for the export of capital, for spheres of influence” he summarizes.

There are two critical points, one for each, that I can present. First one is for Hobson, who thinks that the growing surplus value and accumulation of wealth is the reason for colonial intentions. Unlike countries like United Kingdom, United States or Germany, countries that are not industrially developed such as Italy can also have colonial purposes. It is clear that Italy did not have the same amount of surplus value like US or UK had and still they did colonization with other motives. My second point will not be like a critic but more an observation of process which Lenin discussed. As Lenin explains the mentioned process is a race between monopolies to financially dominate poor countries but in the recent decades his ideas are replaced by the relation between developed and underdeveloped countries or core and periphery which is a argument that conflict between developed countries are disappearing.

To sum up, both Hobson and Lenin draw a conception of imperialism with similar bases but different tools. They both claim that accumulation of power and wealth is the base. However, Hobson insists that imperialism is the way for great powers to sell their products which are not purchased in national territories. On the other hand, Lenin also sees imperialism as the next chapter of capitalism but in a different perspective. According to him, imperialism comes into life with the flow of finance capital into other countries that are not in monopoly class. Lenin emphasizes that merge of banking and industrial sectors helps monopolistic powers to invest in places other than impoverished national ones.

December 8, 2010

TURKISH FOREIGN POLICY IN THE EYES OF THE UNITED STATES

2010

On 28th of November 2010, Wikileaks, a voluntary organization that is aimed to reveal the secrets of governments to the public, started publishing documents of reports between US state officials, US bureaucrats and US embassies. Although it is active since 2007 and despite its successful revealing leaks on subjects like abuse and violation in Iraq and Afghanistan since then, no one (publicly and governmentally) discussed the organization’s efforts like that before. There are more than 250.000 documents to be published by Wikileaks and only a small portion of it was published since now which was enough to make a world-wide controversy. There are leaks from several US embassies in the world such as Madrid, Tel-Aviv or Buenos Aires but the Turkish Embassy of US in Ankara seems to be the Achilles’ heel as there are like 8.000 documents revealed from Ankara which is the biggest number among other embassies.

Throughout the published ones of 8.000 documents from Embassy Ankara, it can be seen that the aim of US officials in Ankara was to give an insight information of AKP government, bureaucrats and Turkey’s Foreign Policy approach to the US Secretary of State. There are some important comments about Turkish Foreign Policy in the documents, which are mainly focused on the arguable Neo-Ottoman posturing of Turkey based on her active diplomatic and economic efforts in the complex regions of Asia and Europe but especially in the Middle East. In this paper, I will evaluate a document written by Embassy Ankara on 20th January 2010 which is about Turkey’s recent foreign policy direction and its motivations.

To mention first, Ahmet Davutoglu, the Turkish Foreign Minister since May of 2009, is the leading figure in Turkey’s active foreign policy efforts. With his “zero-problem” policy, Turkey is looking for creating balance in the complicated atmosphere of Middle East. Turkish officials are aiming for a pivotal role in the region and for that reason they increased the frequencies of visits to Iraq, Iran, Syria and several Arab countries. Nevertheless the bounds with European Union and United States are not broken and as a result, one may say that Turkey is far from having a pure identity as she is stuck between West and East. However this complexity helps Turkey build a calculated value-maximizing effort in international relations. Simply, Middle East countries respect Turkey because of her link with the West and Western countries respect Turkey because of her link with the East.

In the article called 10ANKARA87, published by Wikileaks, the former US ambassador James Jeffrey draws not only a comprehensive but also a simple framework of the recent Turkish Foreign Policy in addition to possible complications for the US side. In the introduction part of his report, he emphasizes the emerging desire of Turkey to be independently proactive, supported with an Islamic orientation. He summarizes the recent appearance of Turkey which was mostly Western oriented in the past: “Does all this mean that the country is becoming more focused on the Islamist world and its Muslim tradition in its foreign policy? Absolutely. Does it mean that it is "abandoning" or wants to abandon its traditional Western orientation and willingness to cooperate with us? Absolutely not.”

In his report, Jeffrey writes about the recent disturbances of Turkish elites and European Union members about Turkey’s orientation toward the East and Islamization. According to Jeffrey’s hearings, Turkish elites seem to be disturbed of the possible drift from Western world and EU seems to be disturbed of being a part of AKP’s Christian vs Muslim or Europe vs Middle East separation campaign. However, Jeffrey never mentions about a disadvantage for US in this separation. Despite the fact that US never desires an Islam Republic in Turkey as their companionship is built upon the Western-oriented perspectives and institutions, Jeffrey welcomes the option of sharing responsibility of the region with Turkey. As a result, US does not react Turkey in a negative manner for using Islam as a tool or ideology as long as they stay strong enough to help Americans in the Middle East. However a loss of control, such as losing the air space or Incirlik base, would be unacceptable for US.

Furthermore, another aspect of the recent Turkey Foreign Policy that makes US uncomfortable is Turkey’s Neo-Ottoman posturing around the Middle East and the Balkans. There is a quote from Davutoglu’s thesis in the report: “the Balkans, Caucasus, and Middle East were all better off when under Ottoman control or influence; peace and progress prevailed. Alas the region has been ravaged by division and war ever since.” On the other hand, Jeffrey claims that despite her active foreign policy and economic growth, Turkey still does not have enough power to compete with the region’s leading states like US, Russia or Iran. According to him Turkey is in need of an underdog to call for a help from her and show her capabilities as a result. This is a very good observation and it should be added that until that time Turkey will still be in need of the protection and support of Western countries. Actually Jeffrey simply summarizes Turkey’s condition with a metaphor and describe Turkey as a Rover with Rolls Royce dreams.

What US really wants from Turkey, apart from calming down the tension with Israel, is to draw Syria from Iran and begin achieving practical results, not just phone calls and conversations. Turkey is in calm relations with Iran and not opposing her strictly due to the nuclear power issue makes Turkey the only major country that is in friendly discussion with Iran. In return, US expects from Turkey to benefit from this positive relationship and be more demanding from Iran in Security Council meetings, to stop her nuclear progress.

To sum up, it is obvious that the changing direction of the Turkish Foreign Policy is being carefully observed by the US officials. Their arguments are mostly reasonable and it seems that US will not be interfering in Turkey’s turning back to East, whether in a Neo-Ottoman posturing or not, as long as they do not let go of the Western traditions and companionship of US, which is not a rational choice by the way. Actually, James Jeffrey summarizes Turkey’s situation very well: “Turkey will remain a complicated blend of world class "Western" institutions, competencies, and orientation, and Middle Eastern culture and religion.”

November 29, 2010

CLOSER LOOK AT THE MISSILE SHIELD

2010

During his way to the Lisbon, where the NATO summit was going to take place, Turkish President Abdullah Gül shared his opinion with the reporters: “Outcomes of the Lisbon (summit) will determine the 10-15 years of NATO agenda.” During the meeting on 19th and 20th November, the most important decision, along with the efforts of expanding NATO-EU security collaboration in the sense of involving non-EU European countries, was the plantation of a missile shield in Europe and radar probably in Turkish territory. After this historic decision, there are now some questions on the table: Who is this shield for? Who will control it? Will it protect enough in exchange for that much investment? What are the benefits for Turkey?

Obviously, preventing Iran’s possible aggressive behaviors in the region is the primary aim to build the shield. Russia is another country that has the missile technology but as she is declared a companion of NATO, nobody puts her name next to Iran. Before and during the summit, due to her zero problem policy with neighbours, Turkey underlined the sensitivity of not to speak out any name of any country that can be the objective for the shield. Except an individual effort by the French president Sarkozy, every member country shared Turkey’s perception and as a result Turkey escaped a possible outpost role in the favor of US against Iran or Russia.

After the end of the Cold War, it was a popular thought that NATO was over as it had lost its objective following the collapse of the Soviet Union. However, it maintained its existence, this time against new threats like terrorist organizations, cyber attacks and aggressive states. The theories that NATO is an organization that executes the interests of US still have an heavy impact on the public opinion and this situation makes people wonder if the shield technology in Turkish territory would be controlled by US officials. According to the decisions taken in the summit, the responsibility will be shared by the NATO members equally.

In May 2010, two important physicians from MIT claimed that missile shield is a military myth as it cannot catch a nuclear missile with high success rate. They supported their arguments with the official reports published by the Pentagon which were about testing the related shield. During the tests, only 1 or 2 out of 10 missiles were hit by the shield and there had never been a real nuclear missile used in these practices. On the contrary, it is obvious that expectancy for the shield to be fully successful will be high since there will a large sum of money to be invested in the project. According to the plans, each NATO member, including the post-economic crisis states of EU, is going to give 200 million dollars each for the next ten years. However, there are rumours that the price will be higher, given that a similar US project cost for 45 billion dollars.

Everything about the missile shield issue resulted fine for Turkish officials’ side during the summit. Firstly, Turkey’s sensitivity about not to mention Iran as the shield’s objective was shared by all the members. Also, the change of missile shield coverage from East Europe to Turkey and whole Europe was a lucky and maybe a deserved move due to her positive foreign policy steps during the last couple of years. Furthermore, since there was a preparation of a Turkish missile shield for the upcoming years, the NATO project can be a chance to reduce the costs of this national one. Finally, possessing a shield project, although under the common control of members, would be a prestigious role for Turkey if correctly exercised.

To sum up, it is obvious that the decision to plant a missile shield in Europe is a chance for NATO to regenerate its influence following end of the Cold War. Although there are question marks against its high costs and ability to hit the target, still it is an important effort to form a security area over Turkey and European region. Additionally, the summit can be written as a success for Turkey as they persuaded all the members about the sensitivity not to mention Iran as an objective for the shield and they gained a chance to achieve an influential role due to their active involvement in the process.

November 25, 2010

HISTORICAL MATERIALISM AND CLASS DIVISION

2010

Although he lived throughout the 18th century (1818 - 1883), Karl Marx is such a central figure of philosophical discussions even today due to his works’ specifications in different areas such as economy, politics and sociology and also his ability to embrace even today’s economical and social conditions. It would be unfair to Marx just to focus on his practical roadmaps and revolution convictions for proletariat class and also some may argue that rise and shine of capitalism in 20th and 21st centuries is crucial to make it possible for us to still discuss him today as deep as it can be. Obviously Marx’ writings are more than the practical roadmaps or analyses of capitalist regimes. He shows us the nature of class division throughout the history of mankind and explains the reasons of its economical, political and social consequences.

To explain the stratification of structures in society, Marx focuses on the mode of production understanding in the capitalist political economy. He gets help from the historical process to show the materialistic relations between the agents of the society and justifies the inevitability of different forms of class struggle throughout the history. According to him the reason for this structural division is the property owning where the productive power of human which separates him from an animal becomes a burden for mankind through alienation to his own labor. In this paper I will try to emphasize his understandings of mode of production and material relations through highlighting historical materialism, the causality of the structural relations, importance of production as a tool for human to identify himself and his nature’s decay of means as a livelihood. Moreover, definitions and revelations of concepts like division of labor, extraction of surplus value and alienation should be fully understood to master his works on mode of production and material relations.

The term “relations of production” refers to the relationship between two classes: those who possess the means of production that are capitalists or bourgeoisie and those who do not that are workers or the proletariat. Capitalism, which constantly urges these two classes to realize the existing conditions, is constructed on the scale of ownership of the means of production. In brief, owner of the capital (like factories and machines) tries to keep his conditions as well as possible to stand straight in the competitive market and extract as much labor as possible from the workers to do so. In return workers continue to produce labor in conditions offered by the capital owners which are serving the employers’ interests in the market. Yet, workers feel obliged to be integrated to this cycle to maintain their status-quo and be able to stay alive. As a result of the never-ending competition in the market, this structural division continues and the gap between these two classes gets bigger and bigger which eventually, in Marx’ assumptions, will bring the revolution of proletariat.

To understand the material relations between these two classes, we should first be familiar with Marx’ historical materialism conception and his links with German philosopher Hegel. Like Hegel, Marx also supports the reality of clashes between opposing forces through a dialectic relation. However Marx differs from Hegel in the shape of dialectic relations. Hegel believes in the idealism of a true reality that the world we live in is a world of appearances where the material world of the ideals prevents us from the “real” world. He points out the spirit of time; “zeitgeist” as he defines that shapes the structures, economical and material relations. On the contrary, Marx turns Hegel upside down and underlines that it is the economical and material relations that shape the history. According to Marx specific ideologies and conditions prevents people from seeing the material beings of their lives clearly.

This causal relationship can also be figured out with the help of base and superstructure concept of Marx. According to him, social positioning of agents and structures is a result of the characteristics of the “base”. Here, base is the determinant concept that is related to material relations and ownership habits of society. Thus, the superstructure is the total of political, ideological and legal forms that are created autonomously by the base to complete the cycle of relations. That can again bring us to his understanding of causality which separates him from Hegel that it is not the superstructure that creates the base and it is not the spirit of time or existing structures that shape the material relations. Therefore, it is the presence of property ownership, profit-maximizing and their consequence of material conditions that create structures of political and legal forms. In addition this formulation of elements comes from an habitual characteristic of history which repeats itself again and again in different forms but in similar ends.

Marx’ concept of materialism is much related to the history of human being as one can see that the relations, especially the economic relations, among the human beings have always been a determinant force in the development of history. In the early forms of co-operation between men the creation of basic materials to satisfy the needs and the co-operation between the individuals are minimal, but important points to explain are the birth of material relations and division of labor. What one should realize is that division of labor starts from the early forms of family life as husband dominates wife where woman is supposed to feed children and man is supposed to bring food to the table. Along with this, the condition to satisfy material needs creates a consciousness of material connectedness. So the material activity and becomes the dominant determinant in individual’s life where the society and its structures are also affected fundamentally.

Evidently this history of materialism is not bounded with the contemporary ideology of capitalism. Throughout the history, society is shaped by the forces and relations of individuals in the aspects of owning materials and means of production. Again Marx’ assumption of “base”, the economic structures and relations, is the core of the foundations of every society existed in the history. Naturally every type of society has its own particular set of rules, material relations and structures and as a result own set of classes. He underlines “… a certain mode of production, or industrial stage, is always combined with a certain mode of co-operation, or social stage, and this mode of co-operation is itself a ‘productive force”. Long before capitalism, tribal society offered its members a natural division of labor where primitive economic actions were hunting and gathering. Then the communal ownership came in which master and slave relationship occurred in the basis of owning property and not owning it. Next one, the prominent type of system before capitalism, was feudalism in which the material difference between the agents was whether they owned a land or dug a land. Apart from powerful man of faith whose strength came from the religion, two main actors were landowners and their peasants that were determined by their possession of goods. In each form, social structures and division of society were formed by the material relations.

Marx continues to explain the ongoing historical process of materialistic relations and its consequence of segregated society with the example of capitalism. In his projection, capitalism is the last class-based system before the classless systems of socialism and communism. To further his explanations on capitalism and reasons of class division, we should look at the mode of production which brings us to division of labor, extraction of surplus value and alienation of labor. The most significant correlation he draws here is the inversely correlated relation between the worker’s misery and his size of production. According to Marx, human-being is capable of making or shaping his own nature to some extent which separates him from animal-being. That capability is the power to produce things for himself or for others in need and as a result to realize himself. In German Ideology, he says 'Men can be distinguished from animals by consciousness, by religion or anything else you like. They themselves begin to distinguish themselves from animals as soon as they begin to produce their means of subsistence, a step which is conditioned by their physical organization.' However, capitalist system of economy diverts mankind’s ability to produce and its entity through a process of its own. Marx calls the result of this process as alienation and argues that the labor which human-being identifies himself with becomes a miserable commodity of others than himself.

Here we can further the correlation mentioned above and say that the devaluation of human value increases in direct relation with the increase in the value of the world of things/materials. In this system, workers are forced to make more labor as their employers push them to race in the competitive market. As much as workers produce, the world of materials becomes more dominant and as long as they work and spend their time producing they have less time to consume things they had produced. The result is they become unfamiliar and distant to what they produce. The labor of men develops into an object, an external thing which outside of them and alien to them. As a consequence of the capitalist system, the labor of product man produces belongs to other people, not to himself. Eventually the term “private property” turns into a thing that is different from the ancient times in which you own where you dig. According to Marx, property becomes a burden for workers that they produce but do not possess and this process would lead to revolution of proletariat. But before that, we should also know the other class that is supposed experience revolution: Bourgeoisie.

Again, it should be remembered that the division between bourgeoisie and proletariat is a result of the rule of mode of production. If you own the capitals like factories, machines and other stuff to keep workers produce, you become the class which dominates the proletariat. If you produce goods and in turn face a bunch of conditions that develop your labor, which identifies you, into an alienated thing outside of yourself, then you are a part of the proletariat class. But how does this distinction happen and grow between these two classes? The commodity, which is the result of labor, takes place in the market and meets the demands of consumers. People sell a commodity or labor and buy another commodity to satisfy their needs. On the other hand, capitalist class has a different agenda which is not only to satisfy needs with purchasing commodities but to accumulate money to acquire more of it. For this purpose, they use their power to set wages and working hours to extract the greatest amount of labor from workers at the lowest possible cost and to sell the products of workers at a higher price than they are paid for to produce. Rather than buying or selling the product in its real value, they extract a surplus value from laborers. This is because neither of the workers produces a whole part of product on himself but produce some of it and never have a right to buy it for the same price they create.

The roadmap for proletariat that Marx presents, which is also inevitable according to him, is simple: Revolution. However he explains the reasons for the revolution and the circumstances that proletariat will experience until the end, not the instructions for “how to accomplish a revolution”. As he argues that division of society into classes is a result of material relations in historical process, the change in economic structures, again, will lead a revolution, this time by the proletariat. In long term, richness of bourgeoisie and poverty of proletariat will reach maximum levels and because of extreme level of production, investment and trade, capitalism will go into a big crisis. The critical point here is for proletariat to gain a class consciousness that they were oppressed by the bourgeoisie and their realization was diminished in the hands of this dominant class. Other step will be to unify and make a violent proletariat revolution. Eventually, private property will be abolished and economic structures like means and modes of production will be reshaped which will lead to a new social structure and system called socialism. Along with the reshaped economic and social structures, there will also be a change in the political structures and socialism will evolve to communism. When we look at the big picture, we can see that the transformation in the society will be a result of change in the economic structures.

There are many counter-arguments against Marx, and some of them concentrate on his predictions on the revolution from capitalism to communism. It is logical enough to question his argument on the transformation as there has been more than a century and capitalism still stands as strong as before. His urge on the awareness of proletariat class consciousness seem like a far possibility since the division between bourgeoisie and proletariat does not seem as extreme as he foresees. Or let’s say that the propaganda made by capitalist class, with the help of the legal grounds they support as a result of the base-superstructure relation, prevent proletariat to feel that much oppressed. But the reality is that there is also a class of petit-bourgeoisie who is close to the dominant capitalist class but distant from the proletariat. Also no need to mention about the middle class people, which constitutes a large group of people today, that are to be again stuck between the two. It can be propaganda of capitalist class to give hope to every man that one day they also can be a bourgeoisie class member but the reality stands out there that there are some other classes between bourgeoisie and proletariat.

To sum up, it is crucial to understand historical relations between the agents of the society. According to Marx, those relations were always built upon the material correlations and clashes between opposing forces. As I mentioned above, Hegel’s concept of dialectic idealism is turned upside down by Marx as dialectic materialism that conditions we experience and structures we live in are products of material and economic relations. All this has happened before but in different shapes and understandings like tribal, communal and feudal systems. For Marx, labor is a value for man-beings with which they can define and realize themselves. However, with the help of capitalism and its propagandist habits, capital owners oppress workers and extract the surplus value of their work which results as an alienation of workers to their labor. This loss of consciousness by workers forces the proletariat to stay poor and the bourgeoisie to become rich. Yet, some day this ongoing division of wealth will become a burden for the capitalists and system will collapse in the end with the violent revolution of enlightened proletariat class. Eventually, base and superstructure relation will change also as the base, which is determined by the economic relations, will affect the superstructure, which is the political and ideological form in the society, in a way different than the previous systems. All this, according to Marx, can be real with a better understanding of historical materialism concept and the mode of production habits in the society.


Bibliography

Karl Marx and Fredrick Engels. The Communist Manifesto. Middlesex, The Echo Library, 2009.

Henry Ward. Introduction to Dialectical Logic. Bucharest, Editura Academiei, 1975.

Karl Marx and Frederick Engels. The German Ideology. New York, International Publishers, 2004

Louis Althusser. For Marx. London, Verso, 2005

Karl Marx. A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy. Moscow, Progress Publishers, 1977

Harold Joseph Berman. Law and Revolution: The Formation of the Western Legal Tradition. Cambridge, Harvard University Press, 1983

David W. Lovell. From Marx to Lenin. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2009

Ken Morrison. Marx, Durkheim, Weber. London, Sage Publications, 2006

Michael Löwy. The Theory of Revolution in the Young Marx. Chicago, Haymarket Books, 2005

November 19, 2010

REALITIES BEYOND OPTIMISM

2010

On 9th of November 2010, The European Commission published the progress report of Turkey and it seems that despite the optimistic atmosphere that is created by Turkey’s Chief Negotiator Egemen Bagis afterwards the publish, Turkey still needs a lot of time and effort to be accepted by European Union as a full member. Although nobody can ignore the fair progress that was succeeded by Turkish officials in certain areas (which is also underlined in the progress report of 2010), the two certain issues are on the table to be resolved: Full implantation of the Customs Union obligations with the EU and the progress towards the normalization of relations with Cyprus.

The first statement after the publish of progress report came from the Chief Negotiator Egemen Bagis: “This progress report is far more better than the one in 2009 which was the most positive report until that time. Now we can get the smell of EU membership.” It is pretty normal to hear such a statement from Egemen Bagis who is a dynamic and optimistic negotiator. But what needs to be done is to carefully examine the picture taken by the European Commission on behalf of the further progress that should be realized by Turkey. Yet, the tricky part is when you attempt to write down the pros and cons highlighted in the 2010 report, you see that, in nearly all lines, there has been a progress which is not sufficient enough.

According to the report, the political criteria is being sufficiently fulfilled by Turkey; thanks to the progress in public administration alongside with judiciary and fundamental rights with the approval of constitutional amendments in a referendum in 12th of September. Still, more efforts are needed on areas such as freedom of media and minority rights (fail of democratic opening for Kurdish people are emphasized). Moreover, in the economical aspects, growing market economy is praised in the report in spite of the continuing unemployment problem and external imbalances. Also the report shows that some laws and regulations that are to be aligned with EU’s are accomplished such as the State Aid Law which is a step towards the negotiations in the area of competition. Nevertheless, several number of developments are required in areas such as fisheries, social policies, justice and home affairs.

Beyond all these pros, cons and statements of “almost successful but not sufficient”, two crucial issues still stand in front of the EU membership of Turkey: First is the need for fully implementing the Customs Union obligations which in brief a large number of obstacles to be removed affecting EU products that are in free circulation. Second is the relations with Cyprus which in brief enabling direct transport links and allowing the free movement of goods with the island. Furthermore, the normalization of relations with Cyprus is vital as, in practical sense, the EU membership of Cyprus enables it to possibly object to the membership of Turkey.

Eventually, it should be remembered that only 13 of possible 33 acquis chapters of negotiations are opened and only one of them is closed. Nobody expects from Turkey to close all the chapters in the blink of an eye but if somebody is to get a smell of hope, he should be close to the table. No offense to the optimistic stance of Egemen Bagis but Commissioner Füle’s statements are also important as the demanding side is Turkey in this game: “Despite the progress in 2009, we are concerned that Turkey’s accession process is losing its momentum. The key to changing this is primarily with Turkey, which is expected to fully implement its current contractual relations with the EU –Customs Union- before it can gear up to full membership of the Union.”

October 27, 2010

LESS THAN A WIN-WIN IN AKKUYU

2010

Turkey’s foreign affair officials certainly have an agenda of short and long term plans. For now the foremost countries to be in concern and correlation are most probably United States, Iraq and Israel. Then comes European Union countries and Iran but certainly Russia is not among those first five. However, things may change in the future when the Russia-owned nuclear reactor in Turkey becomes real.

It was published in the Turkish Official Journal on 6th of October 2010 that Turkish and Russian officials sealed the deal for a nuclear reactor to be constructed in Akkuyu/Turkey by a joint stock of Russian companies that are to be agreed on in the near future. It is known that nuclear energy comes with its advantages and disadvantages but the details of the agreement bring more things to be concerned about.

According to the agreement, the Russian corporation is going to finish building the reactor and start the commercial activities in 10 years. What is catchy here is that Russians will hold all the rights and commercial shares of the reactor as long as it stands. It is reported that Russians are planning to sell the 49% of the shares to anyone interested but not one bit more. Also Turkey committed itself to purchase some large part of the electricity made by the Russian reactor for 15 years. According to the Union of Turkish Electrical Engineers, the construction of the reactor will not cost as cheap as it is predicted. Besides it will be more expensive to purchase electricity in a package for 15 years alongside its possible dependency effect.

Obviously nuclear power comes with a need of technical know-how and Turkey doesn’t have that. This inability would cost one way or another and Turkish officials chose a way in which Russia will play a major part. Although possessing a nuclear reactor is a nearly “must” for the regional power candidates in Middle East, it may be less than a win-win situation for Turkey. Before the commercial-related articles and their numerical details in the agreement, one can think the possibility of Turkey’s increasing dependency on Russia which also provides most of the natural gas need of Turkey. It is quite satirical when one can see that nuclear power is a way for its owners to be less dependent on other energy providers.

It is interesting that Russia also have plans to build a nuclear reactor in Venezuela which seems very similar to the Turkish plan. This may bring us to the point that Russians may not be planning only commercial activity with the nuclear know-how they own. When we think of the geopolitical standings of Turkey and Venezuela, it would be naïve to see the ongoing process only in commercial framework. As a result, it can be concluded that it may be prestigious and intimidating for Turkey in the future to have a nuclear reactor in their own land for the existing regional power conflict and but it is a more “win” in the Russian side if that is a win-win situation.

October 21, 2010

ACTING ACCORDINGLY AND THROUGH IMPROVISATION

2010

In the spring of 2010, Ibrahim Tatlises, a famous Turkish singer and showman, signed an agreement of a construction project in Erbil, Iraq. Tatlises will be investing in this project with a share of 50% and 70.000 houses will be built at the end of it. Tatlises is not only a singer in his hometown but also a businessman with his investments in sectors like food, clothing and broadcasting. But that’s not the case. The case is not the investment of a Turkish singer in Iraq. This micro example is only a shiny part of the increasing Turkish investment in Iraq and mostly in Kurdish Regional Government in Northern Iraq.

According to the regional administration in Northern Iraq, 730 out of 1,217 foreign companies in Iraq (mostly in Arbil, Sulaymaniyah and Duhok) are Turkish investments. A large portion of these companies are from construction and trade sectors which briefly signals the needs of the post-war Iraqi society. Also the trade numbers show the importance of Turkish goods in the region. There is a 6 billion dollars of trade between two countries and 5,2 billion of it is Turkey’s exports which are generally textile and ready-wear goods.

It is obvious that both these countries make profits from this cooperation. Turkey is now the most important importer for Iraq with a rate of 25% and this cooperation helps Turkey to continue its ongoing positive domestic economic atmosphere. On the other hand, Iraq severely needs huge and various investments due to its devastated post-war conditions and Turkey is one of the biggest contributors. Moreover, this transaction also helps Iraq build a more stable state. Turkey has a policy of “zero problem with neighbors” and Turkish state officials are very keen to give hand to Iraqi people for a stable, reliable and peaceful environment in their South Eastern region. But the most crucial point here is that Turkey is becoming a prominent actor in the Middle East region as a result of this cooperation.

According to the theories, after the withdrawal of US troops through the end of the 2011 there will be a power gap in Iraq. Shias, Sunnis and Kurds are the most influential groups in the country. After the withdrawal, Shias might be looking for support from Iran and Sunnis from the Arab world. It seems that Turkey is the most suitable candidate for the “brother” role for Kurds and the ongoing economic cooperation is also a way for building an increasing level of understanding for further cooperation between these two neighbors. Turkish state officials shows their good intentions by opening up new consulships in Iraq and this means another step for the development of good relations between the two sides.

The Turkish Businessman’s Association (TBA) seems to be sharing and maintaining this ambition. In April 2010, the members of the association met with Mesud Barzani, the president of the Kurdish Regional Government. After the meeting, Umit Boyner, president of TBA, pointed out the importance of the relationship between the two countries: “Legal and political environment along with the investment conditions of the region are noteworthy for us. The integrity of this country is precious to Turkey." It seems that all the actors in the stage are performing their actings according to the script and good news is that they also know how to improvise. Even a Turkish singer knows where to invest and this means more than it seems for the future actings in the region.

June 20, 2010

REVIEW OF BENEDICT ANDERSON’S “UNDER THREE FLAGS”

2010

Introduction

Benedict Anderson’s “Under Three Flags” provides an extensive historical research on world politics in the aspects of anti-colonialism and international anarchism. Although there is a flag of Philippines’ on the cover page of the book and the content of it can be thought as it is about anti-colonialism in Philippines mainly, in my opinion it is clear that the writer’s intention is to show the links between several anti-colonist and patriotic leaders or thinkers from all around the world. Anderson’s choice of showing links between these people actually creates a complex perspective which sometimes makes reader impatient about the main theme for anarchism and anti-colonial arguments. But in my opinion, his main argument is not to give a lecture about the independence history of the Philippines but to show the complicated intercontinental networks that identify the age of early globalization (Anderson 2005, p. 233).

Throughout this paper, you will first find a brief summary of the mentioned book as it is predictably significant to understand the main points of the writer’s arguments after being aware of what is going on between the lines. After the summary I will set a critical discussion about the related intercontinental links between several important political thinkers from all around the globe and their simultaneous actions for revolution. “Under Three Flags” tells the story of complex intellectual interactions of young Filipinos with the European experimentalists of Paris, militant anarchists of Spain, France, Italy and the Americas, armed protestants of Cuba and anti-imperialist volunteers of China and Japan. Anderson presents a book to be carefully read as it gives reader a much broader and complex written history of the 19th century Philippines than a conventional historical knowledge of ours.

Summary of the Book and the Related Period

The visible theme of the “Under Three Flags” is the study of Filipino national hero Jose Rizal in the sense of his popular novel named “El Filibusterismo” and his international connections. More than that, there is a surrounding theme of linkages between Filipino, Cuban and European anarchists and anti-colonialists and the remarkable intertwining of art, literature and politics which I will be exploring in the upcoming paragraphs. But before that, it would be better to mention about the main Filipino characters in the book that are Jose Rizal, Isabelo de los Reyes and Mariano Ponce. Following, there will be a brief summary of Rizal’s life and his influence on the anti-colonial atmosphere of Philippines. Lastly in this section you can find a summary of the ongoing events through the chapters of the book.

Isabelo de los Reyes, lived between 1864 and 1938, a polemical journalist and pioneering folklorist of Filipino identity, shows a different character compared to Rizal with 27 children whereas Rizal had none. Of course the number of children one has does not show anything scientific, but the way he looks at life reflects his energetic and anarchist-inflected character where he shows a greater desire for action than Jose Rizal who displays a comparatively modest nature. Before going to Europe in 1897 and experiencing the chains and tortures in Montjuich prison in Barcelona due to his involvement in anti-colonial action against Spain, Reyes was an active journalist in his mainland and he was receiving letters, magazines and texts from European academics and folklorists where he was developing his nationalistic perception (Anderson 2005, p. 27). Another substantial points in his life are his foundation of “El Ilocano” in 1889, the first vernacular newspaper in Philippines and his broad researches on Philippines history and culture.

Mariano Ponce, lived between 1863 and 1918, is a coordinating organizer of the anti-colonial movement in Philippines. He was among the founders and contributors of La Solidaridad, an organization to advocate the Filipino cause in the Spain and a newspaper to influence the Filipinos at the same time. He was one of the prominent emissaries during and after the Philippines revolution (Anderson 2005, p. 207) as he was appointed as a diplomatic representative of the revolutionary government to Japan to earn their support. Ponce had a great calmness and modesty which are significant abilities to stand for his nation against other countries.

Jose Rizal, lived between 1861 and 1896, is one of the greatest novelists of the Philippines literature and also a central figure for the Filipino revolution of his country against the colonial power of Spain. In my opinion, his perception on the politics cannot be described fairly without giving credit to his two popular books, “Noli me Tangere” and “El Filibusterismo”. Still, before discussing his books, it is worth having a look at his life, particularly the time he lived in Europe.

European way of life and European novelists, thinkers and activists play a huge role in Rizal’s perspective. He left his country for Europe in 1882 and stayed in Spain, France, Germany, England and Belgium for nearly ten years. He made European friends among political thinkers and journalists and thus witnessed the emerging new ideas of the continent which led him to write his controversial novels to become a famous Filipino (Anderson 2005, p. 28). In his stay in Europe, there were three angles to influence his way of thinking which were firstly the political system of Europe dominated by German Chancellor Bismarck, secondly the ongoing assassinations and anarchism in the continent and thirdly the colonial power of the time, Spain. What is important here is the change of Rizal into a patriot, a “filibustero”, after reading Antonio de Morga and his historical research on Spain and its colonial past. Rizal’s second book, El filibusterismo, clearly shows the rise in his determination to help his country earn his independence (Anderson 2005, p. 96).

To start with, it should be remembered that Rizal’s two novels are both serious critiques of colonialism although there is a more than tiny difference between the two. While almost all events in “Noli me Tangere” occur within Philippines, “El filibusterismo” takes place in many countries like Cuba, Germany, Egypt, Russia, France, China and Japan. As Anderson describes the latter one as “probably the first incendiary anti-colonial novel written by a colonial subject outside Europe” (Anderson 2005, p. 6), he also adds that “if Noli me Tangere was targeted at multiple audiences in Europe and the Philippines, El filibusterismo was meant only for the latter” (Anderson 2005, p. 103). This coincides with the condition that Rizal was feeling more patriotic for Philippines while writing El filibusterismo due to his accumulated knowledge about anti-colonialism and nationalism in his long stay in Europe. Though, his grievance was not only for the colonist Spain but also for the corrupted clergy in his homeland.

Along with Reyes, Ponce and Rizal; Anderson touches many thinkers, activists, journalists in “Under Three Flags” and shows a good example of the early globalization effect of this particular time in the anti-colonization and anarchism aspects. After a brief prologue, the second chapter is mainly about a contrast of Isabelo Reyes to Jose Rizal and Rizal’s library which is to be traced for El filibusterismo. In the third chapter Anderson puts a framework of the spaces Rizal had been in Europe like the powerful Germany, the atmosphere of anarchism and the colonial Spain. He again shows evidences of influence like his collaboration with journalist Marcelo de Pilar and “La Solidaridad” that is highly effective in Rizal’s writings.

In the fourth chapter, Anderson takes readers to the last four years of Rizal in his homeland and his execution, which is basically after the publication of El filibusterismo in 1891. His transitions from Hong Kong to Borneo, from Manila to Dapitan, from Manila again to Barcelona and lastly to Manila where he is imprisoned and executed by the colonial Spanish officers which actually, as a whole, displays a depiction of struggle for the purpose of Filipino independence. One way or another Rizal served his country even after his death when his execution made a national martyr in Philippines which made it convenient for revolutionary movement to be broader and more effective (Anderson 2005, p. 164).

In the last chapter, main discussion is about several events sometime after Rizal’s death, such as the radicalization of Europe, assassination of Spanish Prime Minister Canovas and the end of colonial power of Spain, anti-colonial efforts in Philippines and rise of revolutionary ideas in Japan and China. Other than those, Anderson highlights particularly three people in this part which are firstly Mariano Ponce as he is the leading actor of revolutionary Filipinos in creating a network of public opinion internationally. Second one is Isabelo del Reyes whose prison experience and return back to Spain as a politician takes some part in the last chapter. The last one is Rizal's Japanese friend Suehiro Tettyo, who has a novel about Rizal's experiences.

Critical Discussion

The main argument of Benedict Anderson, in my opinion, is to show readers that ideas and events happening around the same time can have an impact on other people and countries due to the international travel and communication opportunities. Anderson himself accepts his work as a political astronomy where he describes it as “an attempt to map the gravitational force of anarchism between militant nationalisms on opposite sides of the planet.” (Anderson 2005, p. 2) While he is studying the second novel of Rizal, “El filibusterismo”, he expects the patience of the readers as understanding the infrastructure of the novel brings a complicated interconnection between Spain, France, Italy, Russia, the Caribbean, the United States and the Philippines (Anderson 2005, p. 56).

The complicated interconnection of different thinkers, journalists and activists from different nationalities around the world already makes a dazzling story. This brings us to accumulation and transition of anarchist and nationalistic approach between different colonized and oppressed countries which is the main subject for the book. But also there is a thing that I doubt about as if it is a coincidence of the universe or a result of the interconnections in the long period: “El filibusterismo was printed in 1891 in Ghent, only forty miles from Ostend where, in 1888, James Ensor had finished his anarchist-revolutionary painting ‘Christ’s Entry into Brussels’.” (Anderson 2005, p. 45) In a time when anarchism was getting popular newly, it may be both a nice coincidence and a solid proof for the transition of knowledge among people.

One way or another, new technologies such as the invention of the telegram, developing postal systems and railway networks made this “early globalization” possible. The simultaneous revolutionary actions in Philippines and Cuba proves this as Cuba, the last nationalist movement in the New World, and the Philippines, the first in Asia, had connections in individual level and to some extent had coordinated interactions and so they experienced the taste of independence in a very similar time (Anderson 2005, p. 2). They, the Filipinos, also found allies in European countries to exchange the ideas and gain public support. This, in some way, was a way to learn how to revolt and stand against colonial powers. What is not surprising is Rizal’s or Reyes’ choice of using a foreign language in their books or journals other than their native one to create a public opinion and recognition outside their country.

In “Under Three Flags”, it is not discussed in details very much but Anderson makes a comparison between Philippines’ national hero Jose Rizal and Cuba’s national hero Jose Marti. He states the comparison as “illuminating” (Anderson 2005, p. 131) and sets their similarities and differences in a couple of paragraphs. What is most visible is the common language they use, Spanish. Perhaps it is a success for Rizal to write in Spanish, not in his native language as he thus had the chance to create a common sphere for both countries that were colonized by Spain.

Actually, the final chapter of the book can be the most extensive among others in the aspect of showing intercontinental links before and after the uprisings. Anderson touches a lot of thinker, journalist or politician to emphasize the role of connections among individuals and its consequences. Fernando Tarrida, Georges Clemenceau, Louise Michel, Ramon Betances, Emile Zola, Michelle Angiolillo and Suehiro Tettyo are some of the names that are mentioned while highlighting presence of knowledge transition globally.

Conclusion

“Under Three Flags” can be seen as a research book about the independence history of 19th century Philippines or as a book of anarchism and its brief history in the aspect of Filipinos. These are not wrong assumptions but they are lacking in depth. Anderson gives readers a more than just the history of Philippines and their national heroes. Reading about the the national Filipino hero, Jose Rizal, is very exciting but it is not exciting because of the number of days he stayed in prison or his escape from one city to another. It is exciting because the writer shows the readers that Jose Rizal would not be “Jose Rizal” unless he lived in the challenging atmosphere of Europe in the right time and unless he met with right persons that made him think and write about the anti-colonial, anti-imperialist and nationalistic thoughts.

It is the power of intercontinental links between individuals of journalists, activists, thinkers, leaders etc. With the help of developing technologies of transportation and communication, many thinkers of that time experienced the early globalization of the world with the purpose of independence and anti-colonialism. In my opinion, the mentioned world of multiple and overlapping events and transitions creates a complex philosophy that makes it difficult for the reader to categorize the figures as a nationalist or a anarchist or a anti-colonist. What is important in this book is the impressing linkages and coincidences between thinkers from different parts of the world that help revolutionary movements come to life.


Bibliography

Anderson, Benedict. Under Three Flags: Anarchism and the Anti-Colonial Imagination. 2005. Pasig City: Anvil, 2006.

May 14, 2010

HAND-MADE SUPERIORITY

2010

“Bismillahirrahmanirrahim (Beginning with the name of God)”. That, starting the essay with calling the name of God, may sound a bit unusual for those who expect a more or less academic paper. But in my humble opinion, it will most probably attract attention while criticizing New York Times columnist Thomas Friedman and his essay named “One Country, Two Worlds”. Friedman, as a very good writer in the meaning of drawing readers’ attention with a smooth and remarkable bunch of words, is likely to be mistaken to state his arguments on globalization by using a politically incorrect and practically unacceptable language and perspective in the mentioned article. In this paper, I will discuss how he is incorrect in his perceptions that he oversimplified and generalized Egyptian people and their traditions while making a comparison of them with Western traditions and as a result forming an imaginary Western superiority.

He starts the column with two images that grabbed his attention during his visit in Egypt. One is “the cell-phone symphony” as he calls, which happens in a train riding from Cairo to Alexandria. He underlines his discomfort with ringing phones and people talking with them. For me it is a bit ridiculous as cell-phones may be ringing publicly in every country and Europe as well and additionally people carry cell-phones in order to use them outside of their home. I seriously think that this perception is a way of lowering Egyptian and so-called Eastern portrait. Then he sees some Egyptian villagers from the train using old-style tools to work on their fields and makes a comparison between this and the technological cell-phone symphony. The fact is that it is probably more practical and cheaper to use tools that are not machinery in a small field. But he is most likely in a self-deception that every moment he experiences in this “Eastern” country seems annoying to him and they are like opportunities for him to create an inferior picture while comparing them with globalized and technological Western culture.

Second one is his encountering with the elevator operator, who is also described by him as a peasant earning money in a state building, and his praying before pushing the elevator button. He creates a link between Islamist practices and daily life traditions of one region and as a result he draws a conclusion that it is a dichotomy where technology and inferiority come together to form a “One Country, Two Worlds”. He creates a vision that dichotomy happens only in Eastern countries not in Western ones and only inferior people use a language of religion or God. On the contrary, people say “God bless you” to each other when they sneeze in both Christian and Islamist traditions. Besides it is written “In God we trust” in the American dollar and many state buildings in which there should be no linkage of God as those are irrelevant, the state institutions and the belief systems.

From those examples he comes to the point that globalization is a need for Eastern people but it is a difficult project to make real as, in his perception, Eastern people are communal and on the other hand globalization needs an individualistic sphere. He blames Islamist traditions and Eastern practices while explaining his argument that it is difficult for people who live in “two worlds”. In reality what he is doing is making a picture of inferior East and superior West by using an oversimplifying and generalizing language. In his opinion, although it is not very easy to adopt, he sees Eastern people’s emancipation with implementing globalization and its principles which are concepts of Western traditions. That is clearly a way of creating the thought of “superior West” by using religion, traditions and practices.

In conclusion, what he fundamentally lacks is his objectivity and his emotional arguments while creating a link between globalization, religion and culture and to leave rest of the possible variables aside. What he accomplishes with this essay is not only an inferior portrait of Eastern culture in the eyes of readers, but more than that, a superior Western culture which rhetorically has a ego to be fulfilled repeatedly.

January 30, 2010

VIRTUAL WORLD AS A WAY OF CONSTRUCTING A RENEWED IDENTITY

2010

After waking up late in the morning, he turned his computer on and checked his e-mails while brushing his teeth. Along the first cup of coffee of the day, he tweeted about himself in 140 characters via Twitter. Then he opened his Facebook account and checked if there is any new notification. After commenting on his Facebook friends’ photos and status updates, he started reading and commenting on newly written blog posts of the day using his RSS reader. Of course he didn’t forget to check his favorite YouTube channels if there is any new video uploaded. Then, while eating his breakfast he played with his online character in the Second Life game. For more than 2-3 hours a day, he uses his access to internet for either communication and interaction with other online people or for content generation. These are his almost responsibilities for that he is staying in contact with his virtual social space.

Introduction

Communicating through e-mails, twitting, checking Facebook photos and status updates, following and commenting on blogs with a RSS reader, sharing a video on YouTube or playing an online game with an online character are just some forms of the 21st century style virtual social interaction. These digital interactions turn individuals’ attention from the real world to the virtual world and whether you are very much interested or not in this type of online participation, you have a more or less different identity than the one in the real world. Once an individual is online, a detachment occurs from the body and the identity he owns in the real world, as the need for the body and existing identity is no longer required in the virtual world and the user can participate separately from it.

In this paper, my theory is that although virtual world wouldn’t exist without the real world and although they are not truly separated, it is a fact that today the individuals have the chance to renew their identities with the help of internet, creating a virtual identity as they wish to have in the real world. Although there are many important points to be discussed about the issue, I will try to stay in a particular outline that I prefer to extend in its boundaries. Throughout the paper I will explain how this new virtual world space is constructed through time as a result of Web 1.0’s evolution to Web 2.0; how and in which conditions and reasons virtual identities are shaped by individuals themselves; why it is difficult for internet users to exit this newly emerged digital world and return to their former non-virtual life-style. After these points, in the last part I will examine Facebook, which is an online social networking platform, and highlight several attributes and statistics about it.

Discussing the Differences Between Web 1.0 and Web 2.0

Before coming to analyze the reasons of how virtual identity concept is formed, it will be proper to understand the evolution of world wide web via the change from Web 1.0 to Web 2.0 and its consequences. Simply the outcomes of this change resulted in a more user participated virtual space which is more different than the one in the past. The phrase “Web 2.0” was first mentioned in a conference in San Francisco, California in 1994, where the leading figures of online innovation community met each other (Graham, 2005). They were seeing the existing and upcoming changes in the online world, which I will briefly mention below, and to emphasize these, they divided the internet history into two: Web 1.0 and Web 2.0.

Avoiding the technical explanations such as changing infrastructures of websites or improving programming and scripting languages, in this section there will be basic explanations for how differences between Web 1.0 and Web 2.0 made evolutionary changes in the virtual society. In fact it should be underlined that a virtual community of what we understand today is basically a consequence of the changes between these two. Fundamentally it is the recent understanding of user participation which changed everything internet consumers knew before.

Expanding reciprocity between user and provider, which was not subsistent in the past, made web change into a platform where you can exchange data and information in several simple and quick ways. Actually data exchange was the driving force in this revolution which means everybody can be a contributor in the virtual world and create his own space. For instance, one of the prominent examples of Web 2.0 concept, Blogger (http://www.blogger.com) can help you create a free personal website for yourself in a couple of minutes, which is called a blog, where you can post your thoughts, feelings or put pictures and videos into it simply. In the past creating a personal website was not only difficult, as you had to know a scripting language, but also expensive. Likewise, Wikipedia (http://www.wikipedia.org), with a subtitle of free encyclopedia, is also another example which is created with user generated content. Before the concept of user generated content of Web 2.0, the most popular encyclopedic data provider was Britannica (http://www.britannica.com) where users were only consumers without any chance of content participation.

RSS (Really Simple Syndication) is another formation of newly emerged virtual world, where you can track websites or blogs you prefer. The system simply alerts you when new posts or updates occur in the websites you follow and instead of checking on every website you follow if there is any new content, it allows user to notice and access updated websites in just seconds. Moreover, there is this new P2P (Peer to Peer) file sharing system, where every client share products like mp3s, movies etc unlike in the former client-server interaction where transaction only happens if client requests service from the server. So, using practices like RSS and P2P or generating content in a simple and fast way enable internet consumers to create their own space in the virtual world where they do not need to request service from a few providers.

In addition to a virtual space of every individual, now there is the chance for everyone to create their own virtual identity through instant messaging services, social networking websites and online games. To start with, instant messaging services like MSN Messenger or ICQ are providing an alternative communication model to calling each other via telephones that you can communicate with your friends sitting in front of a computer. Moreover, social networking sites like Facebook (http://www.facebook.com) and Twitter (http://www.twitter.com) or online games like Second Life (http://secondlife.com) enable individuals to create their virtual identity as they prefer to be. What is remarkable is the fact that while a new world wide web understanding of content generation ability or not only consumerist but also provider practices are appeared, it is also led to a circumstance that individuals are now able to renew their identities virtually where many of the basic cues about personality and social role we are accustomed to in the real world is absent and ambiguous in this disembodied world of virtuality (Kollock and Smith 1999, p. 29).

Reasons to Construct Virtual Identities

For hundreds of years, humanity existed in one way or another without the digital world we now experience. Every individual had his own identity and social space without generating content or sharing data on the internet. Is the advancement of technology the only reason for our generation’s search for a virtual space and identity? Extending communication technologies brought new ways of being, new chains of values and new sensibilities (Holmes 1997, p. 29) but what reasons encourage individuals to construct new identities and new virtual social spaces in the non-real world? Three conditions are essential in my opinion: First one is realizing the existence of the world society via internet and consequently feeling like a smaller piece than imagined. Second one is the opportunity to construct the self-identity from the start and the last one is the easy accessibility to the virtual world. These three are combined with the advancing technology which let individuals easily generate content, build online identities and create a new space for themselves.

Before spending hours of time in the internet while social networking, chatting with people, playing online games or generating content via blogging services, individuals’ social interaction was generally around their neighborhood and work places. In today’s techno-social world space, you can get in touch and even be friends with a Chinese or African guy that you probably will not see in your life for once. The world population was again crowded before the advancement of technology and internet but the social environment we were interested in was only our close neighborhood. It was realized that the communication with people outside the neighborhood was possible, thanks to the advanced online opportunities. So if we change the former definition of social circle and integrate it with the reality of social circle of the virtual world, then it can be seen that the location we fill in the new virtual social circle is a lot smaller than the one in the former neighborhood-social circle. Now there are more than millions of people in the internet and it is possible to notice them as long as they generate content, use social networking web sites and build social spaces of their own. As a consequence it is normal to feel like a small virtual grain of virtual sand in this virtual desert.

After all, this “feeling like a small grain of sand” condition and its consequence as a trigger and the motivation to extend it went arm-in-arm with the opportunity of content generation in the internet. Owing to blogging services, an understanding of citizen journalism (McNair 2009, p. 223) appeared and as a blog owner or content generator in another web service people realized that they have the opportunity to enter a social circle much bigger than their neighborhood. The enthusiasm to feel like more than a small grain of sand and a largely self-referential desire motivated by personal fulfillment changed the dynamics of the social circles of individuals once and for all (Papacharissi 2009, p. 230). In this point one can remember the famous quote of Andy Warhol which is “In the future everyone will be world-famous for 15 minutes” and change it to “Today everyone can be famous in any minute.”

Another reason or condition that motivates individuals to create online identities is the possibility to virtually construct identities from the start which they are not satisfied in reality. This renewing phenomenon is mentioned in a satirical cartoon by Peter Steiner in The New Yorker in 1993 in which a dog sitting in front of a computer talks to another: “On the Internet, nobody knows you're a dog” (UNC, 1997). In other words, reconstructing the identities via the social networking websites or other online communication forms enabled human beings to reshape their appearances as they would like to be. This virtual reconstruction and the feeling of conscious or unconscious disembodiment from the real world via the online practices do not mean a total change in the real world appearance and identities of individuals. Still, this availability of virtual reshaping definitely has more than an imaginary effect in real lives as nearly all the interaction in the online world occurs with online people who also have real world identities. For instance, as one Facebook user makes comment on a photo of his friend’s, this interaction will not only stay in the online sphere and will have an influence in the real world. This may well be the consequence of the interference of the real and virtual worlds.

Additional triggers of will to have a place in the virtual world are its easy accessibility and being free of charge. If you have an internet accessible computer and internet provider, all the virtual doors of the digital world is open for you to enter and create a new and also a non-real space and identity which is also nearly free of charge. As the advancement of technology goes beyond our imaginations comparing to 1990s, now many people have notebooks to log on to the internet in anywhere they want and even use a cell phone to check e-mails or the updates in favorite blogs or social networking websites. In some respect this means that individuals have the possibility to carry their virtual identities along with themselves. It is not difficult to foresee that as the improvement in mobile access to the internet and in the wireless technologies continue, the interference of virtual and real worlds will not be a subject of an utopian world.

Binding Power of the Virtual World

The reasons I have mentioned above basically tried to explain how this virtual identity and virtual space phenomena nearly replaced or at least had an irreversible change in the real equivalents. But is there any chance to exit this digital world and return back to our non-virtual daily lives? Besides, if it is even possible, do we want to return to our former life-styles? The fact is that the ability to change and form identities of themselves gives people the sense of confidence they need. As long as you have your access codes to your online identity, you have the power to present yourself as you prefer to other online people. However the only way to keep this power alive is to stay online. Besides staying online is not enough to keep your online identity breathing, you also have to generate content, share mp3s, movies etc or contribute to a social networking website with your existence. This dependency condition proves a binding interaction where the both parts need each other but more importantly the individual need the virtual space as the virtual world can place anyone as soon as he quits. But does the individual, who had once experienced the digital climate, have a replacement for the virtual world?

There is another point to mention which is the constant innovation habit in the digital world. Mark Zuckerberg, the founder and CEO of the social networking website Facebook, is one of the contributors to the innovative atmosphere of the online world: “We view it as our role in the system to constantly be innovating and be updating what our system is to reflect what the current social norms are” (Digital Beat, 2010). The norms he is talking about are in fact the issues which make internet users feel an obligation to stay connected as long as they can. The pressure not to get behind of the frequently innovating digital world and the motivation to be keeping attached to the system, which enable users protect their presence in the virtual world, make them got caught by the binding spirit of the internet. All those conditions make it difficult for internet consumers to give up their efforts to quit which have possible consequence of alienation from the virtual society.

The result of this binding process and the search for a digital identity makes a total blindness for individuals in which they are drifting away from the non-virtual world. This blindness of virtuality phenomena is also pointed out in some Hollywood movies, one of which has the most impact called The Matrix (1999). In the movie, a non-real system called “matrix”, which is developed by the machines created by humanity, is deceiving the human beings and using their energy to extend their machinery world. The dialog between the leading character called Neo and the man called Choi is remarkable: “My computer… You ever have that feeling where you don't know if you're awake or still dreaming?” “Mm, hey, it sounds to me like you need to unplug, man.” Another dialog, this time between Neo and another character called Morpheus, shows the problematic of body and mind separation which can be reflected to our reality-virtuality paradigm: “I thought it wasn't real. If you're killed in the Matrix, you die here?” “Your mind makes it real. The body cannot live without the mind.” (IMSDB, 2006)

Analyzing Facebook: A Binding Social Network

The identities we own in the real world can be noticed with our actions, choices, behaviors, speeches etc. Facebook is one of the most popular social networking websites that carries the hard labor of defining self in the real world to the virtual world where we can feel our existence in an another way. It also fits the procedure of the non-real world that you can form your identity nearly as well as you like. Below you will find some really interesting facts and statistics about Facebook which is all taken from the press room page of the website.

Facebook is founded in February, 2004 by Harvard University student Mark Zuckerberg and his three friends. It defines itself as social utility that helps people communicate and share information more efficiently with their friends, family and coworkers. In the end of its first year, 2004, Facebook reached 1 million users which in 5 years in 2009 achieved an enormous number of 350 millions from which a 70% is from outside the United States. In addition it strikes attention, as it is an American foundation, that it now gives its service in 70 languages with the help of more than 1000 employees around the world which means a large sphere of neighborhood for users.

Here are some facts about how individuals take Facebook and the virtual reality it possesses seriously: Half of the total 350 millions of users enter the website in daily basis and an average user stays in the Facebook for approximately 55 minutes. Moreover, Facebook enables users to create fan groups where people join other people that share the same taste just like in the real world where individuals come together at the same table to share similar opinions. Again, in one month, an average user clicks the interactive “like” button for 9 times and posts 25 comments on Facebook content that is generated by users, which enable them express their appreciation and help establish a social space.

Content generation is getting in a more important position for Facebook’s plans as since they noticed that the content which is generated by the users make them unconsciously attach themselves to the virtuality, they started working on developments that make it easier for users to create data and share information. Today 2,5 billion photos and 3,5 million event links are uploaded by users each month. Furthermore, 3,5 billion pieces of content like web links, web stories, blog posts and notes etc are shared each week again by users. These massive numbers help Facebook and the consumers build a virtual world that is came out of real world and then become somehow a sort of threat against the real world and real identities. After all I wonder if the Facebook’s closeness to the real world makes us connect and get attached to the virtuality of Facebook more.

Facebook is not only working on infra-firm developments, it is also planning to possess more space in the internet. Since December 2008, Facebook allows other websites in the internet to make connections with its database of users by using the “Facebook Connect” system. Facebook Connect lets website owners to easily create links between their own web pages and Facebook which in result helps Facebook to have more generated content and also free advertisement in some way. In return website owners have the opportunity to reach more people via the large database of Facebook. In numbers, more than 80,000 websites have implemented Facebook Connect since its availability and more than 60 million Facebook users engage with Facebook Connect on external websites every month.

Another feature that makes individuals to stay connected is the availability of the mobile access, thanks to the recent developments in the wireless and cell phone technologies. There are more than 65 million active users currently accessing Facebook through their mobile devices and people that use Facebook on their mobile devices are almost 50% more active on Facebook than non-mobile users. This constant togetherness of individuals and Facebook causes a relationship that drives people to a feeling of not to fall behind of recent updates, contents and news. In the end it becomes a relationship in which individuals are -intentionally or not- made to carry their virtual identities to their real worlds.

Last point in my Facebook study is the one that helps my argument about the binding atmosphere of the virtual world and nearly the impossibility of individuals’ exit from it. The fact is you cannot leave Facebook permanently. It does not let you end your relationship with itself forever and if you decide to close your account it just freezes it until the time you come back. It is already difficult to even think about leaving your virtual identity and it seems that it does not matter if you decide to close your virtual identity or not, Facebook does not let you do it anyhow.

Conclusion

Throughout the paper I tried to explain how and in which conditions and reasons individuals create virtual identities and virtual spaces of their own. The intention of detachment from the body and the identity in the real world is mostly triggered by the evolution of internet technology and its consequences. After the emergence of Web 2.0, internet users were able to generate content, participate in the social sphere of the digital world and contribute to it in one way or another. But is the advancement in technology the only trigger for individuals to deepen their existence in the virtual world? Realizing the presence of the world society more seriously than before -thanks to the social networking websites, blogging services and other Web 2.0 features- individuals’ feeling of “a small grain of sand in the desert” encouraged them to establish a more durable place in the virtual world by generating content and sharing information etc.

Also easy accessibility to the internet and the opportunity to construct their identities from the start, though it is non-real, made individuals attach themselves to the virtual system. Furthermore, the constant innovation of the digital world and the pressure not to fall behind from the virtual social space caused individuals bound themselves to this phenomena day by day. However this virtual rebuilding and the position of disembodiment from the real world through the online practices do not mean a total alteration in the real world appearance and identities of individuals. Yet, this availability of virtual reshaping definitely has more than a sentimental effect in real lives as nearly all the interaction in the online world occurs with online people who also have real world identities.



Bibliography


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Facebook Press Room. 2009. http://www.facebook.com/press.php/ (accessed January 13, 2010)

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Holmes, David. 1997. Virtual Identity: Communities of Broadcast, Communities of Interactivity in Virtual Politics: Identity and Community in Cyberspace, ed. David Holmes. Wiltshire: Redwood Books.

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McNair, Brian. 2009. The Internet and The Changing Global Environment in Routledge Handbook of Internet Politics, ed. Andrew Chadwick and Philip N. Howard. Abingdon: Routledge

Papacharissi, Zizi. 2009. The Virtual Sphere 2.0: The Internet, The Public Space, and Beyond in Routledge Handbook of Internet Politics, ed. Andrew Chadwick and Philip N. Howard. Abingdon: Routledge

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University of North Carolina (UNC). August 27, 1997. On the Internet, Nobody Knows You are a Dog. http://www.unc.edu/depts/jomc/academics/dri/idog.html/ (accessed January 10, 2010)

January 11, 2010

BEING A WORLD POWER: ILLUSIONS AND REALITIES

2009

Years after the Second World War (1939-1945), it was understood that the year 1945 meant not only the end of war but also the start of a period when new power structures were being shaped and new world powers were being emerged. It is also the year that signifies the beginning of Britain’s imperial power impoverish which was realized years later. In this paper, considering the 1946-1961 period, I will try to show why Britain changed her mind to join the European Economic Community in 1961 which she once ignored to be a part of.

My theory is that once an imperial world power, Britain could not protect her place after the Second World War (WWII) and in the time of emerging new powers that are US and USSR, she decided to link herself with the newly rising European Economic Community to strengthen her position. Throughout the paper, to support my theory, there will be several points to be emphasized such as how US and USSR became world powers after the Second World War; in which circumstances Britain lost its imperial power and how European countries gathered together and established an economically and in some respect politically rising community that grabbed attention of Britain.

In the beginning, to understand the spirit of the time, we should look closely at the post-war surroundings. After the WWII, when European countries were in poor conditions both physically and morally, many people expected Britain to take the lead in reorganizing Europe because of her wartime role (Urwin 2007, p. 18). In spite of that, Britain was highly negative about any form of integration with other European countries mostly counting on their proud wartime role and history of sovereignty-first perspective. Their understanding of foreign policy was based on relations with US and Commonwealth countries and not with devastated European countries which could possibly distract her from being a self-independent world power (Dinan 2004, p. 24). In addition, this solitary perspective of Britain can be testified from the first hand which is the British President of the time, Winston Churchill.

In 1946, Winston Churchill gave a speech at Zurich University where he clearly showed the road map of his country: “The first step is to form a Council of Europe (…) In all this urgent work, France and Germany must take the lead together. Great Britain, the British Commonwealth of Nations, mighty America and Soviet Russia must be the friends and sponsors of the new Europe” (Nelsen and Stubb 2004, p. 11). Although Britain showed European countries some courage, in reality they were in need of the political leadership of Britain, due to her post-war confidence and prestige. Certainly it was a tactical mistake of British headquarters to stay passive which they paid for most years to come where US and USSR became replacing world powers (Mander 1963, p. 188).

To describe how US gained her world power status while getting rid of her isolationist policies, two striking approaches should be carefully examined. One of them was the Marshall aids, which was to help European countries that were ruined economically after the WWII. By the help of this recovery program, US was looking to establish a solid market ground for her exports by gaining companionship of European countries (ENA, Historical Events). Another initiative by US was North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) which was formed for the aim of military alliance, whereby United States were now committed to Western Europe’s defense and so that continental Europeans were less dependent militarily on Britain (Dinan 2004, p. 36).

On the other hand, in the Eastern Europe, Soviet Russia already proved herself as a militarily strong country by standing still against the Nazis in the WWII. Moreover, their expansionist and aggressive ideas over Western Europe which were also supported by the rising communism ideology and her superior technological advancements comparing with the continent made them one of the Cold War actors alongside with the US. These formations were leading the world to a politically bipolarized form for many years to come which is also indicating the point I will come in the upcoming paragraphs: the decline of the Britain as a world power.

The political and economic contradictions and competition between the Cold War actors, the US and the USSR, led to not only a geographically but also a politically compressed Europe. Before coming to the reasons of Britain’s decline, I see a necessity to explain how European unification is shaped and caught attention of Britain in the late 1950s. First of all, one possible outside stimulus that brought weakened post-war countries of Europe together was the Cold War contention between US and USSR, which was fueled by initiatives such as Marshall Plan and NATO of US and the offensive and expansionist ideas of the Soviets (Mander 1963, p. 184).

Nevertheless, it was the decision and determination of European countries to form a unification that might lead them to a fresh exit from the economically and physically obscure atmosphere of that time. Consequently, the idea of supranational authority was accepted one way or another and after several theoretical debates European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) was formed with the pioneering cooperation of France and Germany to help the continent compose an economically more stable ground (Urwin 2007, p. 18). This alliance continued under the formations of European Economic Community (EEC) and Euratom owing to the agreement named Treaty of Rome in 1957 (Lee 1996, p. 283).

In a narrow perspective, it can be seen that the main objective of European Unification was to provide an economical integration so the member countries might get better conditions under the regulations that facilitate the commercial relations. But more than that, although the agreements were made under the topic of “economics”, the long term aim was to establish the political unification of Western Europe (Shanks and Lambert 1962, p. 165). As a result European nations had embarked on a road which would lead in the end to all major economic and also political decisions being made on behalf of Europe as a whole (Beddington-Behrens 1966, p. 18). In addition, it was the start of a century, which was already suffered enough of wars, that economical power was now the heart of having a strong political position in the world. This unification process of European continent led to an economical and political rise in 1950s whereby Britain’s power was waning as a consequence of her post-war tactical mistakes and illusions of still being an independent world power (Hörber 2006, p. 340).

While European countries were unifying to form an economical and political influence and the US and the USSR were emerging as newly world powers, Britain, on the other hand, was experiencing a declining process which can be plainly portrayed by the consequences of two main incidents: Decolonization of Commonwealth countries and Suez Crisis. First to mention, decolonization process of Asian and African countries, which generally took place in 1940s and 1950s, was mostly encouraged by the post-war international climate and the two anti-colonialist superpowers, the US and the USSR (ENA, Historical Events).

As the perception of economically counting upon the colonized Commonwealth countries was in the core of their politics, the most effected world power from this independence trend was Britain. Not only she lost her links with countries like India that she trusted in political issues but also she lost her strength in overseas markets while the newly independent countries started to link commercial links with countries other than Britain (Lee 1996, p. 290). The United States, the anti-colonialist and triggering power of the independence trend, was now the main commercial partner of former Commonwealth countries owing to her highly developed economy and large population of 180 million people (Beddington-Bahrens 1966, p. 133).

While decolonization process of Commonwealth countries is indicating the decline of Britain’s economic power, Suez Crisis shows how Britain lost its world power status through the political consequences of the incident. After Egypt’s decision to nationalize the Suez Canal in 1956, Britain and France sent troops to Egypt to gain control of the canal. Although they were militarily successful, they had to leave the Suez Canal due to the threat of nuclear bombings to London and Paris by the anti-colonialist Soviet Union. Likewise, despite being the traditional allies of the European powers, the United States did not appreciate this kind of neo-colonial diplomacy and used extreme financial and diplomatic pressure on British government through the United Nations (ENA, Historical Events). The obvious conclusion that the Suez Crisis exposed was that Britain, alongside with France, was no longer a world power, being beaten by the US and the USSR on political, economical, technological and martial circumstances (Hörber 2006, 340).

Contrasting to newly emerged world powers which are the US and the USSR and the significance of the recently unifying European countries through several economic agreements such as the Common Market, Britain soon realized that she had to increase her activities in economical aspects. After several failed attempts of Britain to make economic arrangements and form a free trade area with the six countries of the Common Market, she later established the European Free Trade Association (EFTA) with non-members of the EEC which are Austria, Denmark, Norway, Portugal, Sweden and Switzerland (Dinan 2005, p. 44).

But the outcomes of the EFTA was not like Britain had desired as the EFTA members were vitally interested in trading with the rest of the world and were looking for a more integrated European market (Beddington-Behrens 1966, p. 48). In the meantime, EEC members continued their closer economical integration. As a result, the lacking free access of Britain to the necessary European markets made her notice that she could not compete with the EEC since her economical performance were far less than the members of the union (Lee 1996, p. 290).

In this atmosphere of changing power structures, Britain had to replace herself in the updated political and economical senses, in a different direction than before (Lloyd 1986, p. 373) One of the options, the most probable one which helped me construct my theory, was joining the EEC which was establishing its political unity increasingly out of economical integration. In a political atmosphere in which new and greater world powers were emerged, Britain had to change her existing perception and take a different way to stop her weakening in the political issues. Continental Europe was now a political force which Britain had to reckon and eventually she applied for membership to the EEC in 1961 (Urwin 2007, p. 24).

One question can be asked: Was joining the EEC the only option that Britain had to improve her political and economical status? Apparently it was the most sensible decision Britain made in the period of 15 years. Other than joining the EEC, one option could be strengthening links with her historical partner, the US. However it was irrational that the US, in the process of the Suez Crisis, had already shown her desire to be a world power alone without the help of Britain. On the other hand, although the USSR were showing a good perspective of being a partner that was technologically and militarily rising, the main reason that Britain had stayed away from her was the ideological difference, considering the Communist regime of the Soviets (ENA, Historical Events). The last option might be to strengthen ties with the Commonwealth countries again while it was obvious that the independence trend led an irreversible change of character for the former member nations. In the end, Britain could not reproduce her former devoted relations with the newly-independent nations anymore.

After the WWII it was the passive and non-involving presence of Britain which made a decrease in her world power. Success of the new EEC institutions alongside with the economical arrangements were the positive consequences of European countries’ progressive approaches to take their fate into their own hands, which Britain could not match. When it was most needed for her own benefit, not taking an active role in world politics and on the contrary continuing her conservative policies and unenthusiastic point of view for a supranational authority, changed Britain’s formerly esteemed position in the world politics and it was a necessity to alter her mind and apply to be a partner of EEC members where a chance of political and economical progress might appear eventually.


BIBLIOGRAPHY


Shanks, Michael and Lambert, John. 1962. Britain and the New Europe: The Future of the Common Market. London: Chatto and Windus.

Mander, John. 1963. Great Britain or Little England. Middlesex: Penguin Books.

Beddington-Bahrens, Edward. 1966. Is There Any Choice? Britain Must Join Europe. Middlesex: Penguin Books.

Lloyd, T. O. 1986. Empire to Welfare State. New York: Oxford University Press.

Lee, Stephen J. 1996. Aspects of British Political History 1914-1995. London: Routledge.

Nelsen, Brent F. and Stubb, Alexander. 2004. “The Tragedy of Europe” Speech of Winston Churchill at Zurich University in The European Union: Readings on the Theory and Practice of European Integration. Boulder: Lynne Rienner.

Dinan, Desmond. 2004. "What Kind of Union" in Europe Recast. Boulder: Lynne Rienner.

Dinan, Desmond. 2005. "Uncertain Terrain, 1958-1972" in Ever Closer Union: An Introduction to European Integration. Boulder: Lynne Rienner.

Hörber, Thomas. 2006. The Foundations of Europe, European Integration Ideas in France, Germany and Britain in 1950s. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag Für Sozialwissenschaften.

Urwin, Derek W. 2007. "The European Community: From 1945 to 1985" in European Union Politics. Michelle Cini. New York: Oxford University Press.

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